Showing posts with label development. Show all posts
Showing posts with label development. Show all posts

Tuesday, August 9, 2016

100 Years of Zoning

by Levi Russell

In the past I've discussed zoning laws, referencing articles that compare present vs past policies and that explain the unusual case of Houston, TX. More recently I read an article on Bloomberg with a provocative title: "Zoning has had a Good 100 Years, and That's Plenty." The author's main point is that the costs of zoning laws (primarily their negative effects on the poor) outweigh the benefits. Below are some passages I particularly liked.

Over the past few years, zoning has been blamed, mainly by economists bearing substantial empirical evidence, for an ever-growing litany of ills. The charge that zoning is used to keep poor people and minorities out of wealthy suburbs has been around for decades. But recent research has also blamed it for increasing income segregation, reducing economic mobility and depressing economic growth nationwide.

One can never be certain about these things, but it’s quite possible that excessive land-use restrictions are among the major causes of our long national economic malaise.  Jason Furman, chairman of the White House’s Council of Economic Advisers, made this very point in a speech in November. Yet the platform adopted at the Democratic National Convention this week made no mention of either “land use” or “zoning,” while the Republican platform mentioned them only to condemn the current administration’s purported efforts “to undermine zoning laws in order to socially engineer every community in the country.”
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Dartmouth College economist William Fischel, whose excellent book “Zoning Rules!” has been my most important source on this topic, favors a different explanation. In the decades before the automobile, industrial and residential development was to a large extent constrained by the location of rail and streetcar lines. After trucks and buses became common, though, industrial businesses could locate far from railways (and wharves) and apartment developers could build far from streetcar lines. Anxious homeowners -- and in some cases, merchants -- clamored for rules to keep people from building factories next door.

This does seem to have been one of the motivating factors in New York. According to David W. Dunlap’s New York Times column Monday on the zoning anniversary, “the merchants of Fifth Avenue were losing their retail customers and watching the value of their properties drain away, as big loft buildings for garment manufacturers muscled in around them.” Still, as America’s least auto-centric city, New York also focused its zoning rules on concerns -- skyscraper design, for example -- that were less of an issue elsewhere in the country. It was to be another zoning ordinance adopted six years later in Euclid, Ohio, that ended up fully establishing zoning as a national institution. 
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Sutherland [a Supreme Court Justice in the 1920s and 1930s - LR] affirmed that cities had every right to zone land without compensating landowners or businesses that were harmed. He also said -- unprompted by the facts of the case -- some strangely nasty things about apartment buildings. A sample:
Very often the apartment house is a mere parasite, constructed in order to take advantage of the open spaces and attractive surroundings created by the residential character of the district.
I find it really hard to read that as anything but an affluent guy justifying the legal exclusion of less-affluent people from his neighborhood. There’s been an element of class discrimination to zoning from the early days -- sometimes mixed in with racial discrimination. Still, there have always been other, more-positive aspects, too. In Fischel’s words, “zoning probably makes for more efficient provision of local services and better neighborhoods than would be available without it.”

After about 1970, though, zoning’s negative economic effects began to grow. Before then, housing prices were more or less the same across the country. Since then, prices in the metropolitan areas of the Northeast and West Coast have risen much faster than in most of the rest of the nation -- in the process increasing inequality, thwarting residential mobility and slowing economic growth. Ever-tougher zoning rules and restrictions on growth appear to be a major cause. Fischel has a long list of explanations for this intensification of zoning that I won’t go into here, other than to mention the one that drives me the craziest -- the dressing-up of self-interested economic arguments in the language of environmentalism and morality.

Thursday, June 23, 2016

Zoning Laws Past and Present

In the past I've linked to interesting material on community and regional economics that I found interesting. I'm not a community/regional economist but regulation (a subject I'm very interested in) is often discussed in regional economics analyses.

This article from the NY Times is one such example. The article discusses the various zoning regulations currently in place that would effectively prohibit the construction of 40% of the existing buildings in Manhattan, NY today. The article does a great job of explaining the various regulations and mapping out where the violations of each type exist in the city. Working on the (perhaps incorrect) assumption that agglomeration is a "good thing," it makes me wonder just how much economic growth New Yorkers are missing out on due to current regulations. We'll never know.

Friday, May 27, 2016

Problems with the Definition of Food Deserts

by Brandon McFadden

Food deserts are often used to define areas that have low access to food.  In fact, many people are now referring to food deserts as low access, low income areas.  A Food Access Research Atlas is a map that shows tracts that are defined as food deserts throughout the U.S.  The Atlas is made available by the USDA and can be accessed here.  According to the USDA, “The Food Access Research Atlas maps census tracts that are both low income (li) and low access (la), as measured by the different distance demarcations. This tool provides researchers and other users multiple ways to understand the characteristics that can contribute to food deserts, including income level, distance to supermarkets, and vehicle access.” 

However, the current definition of low access may be too general.  A tract is defined as low income if: 1) The tract’s poverty rate is 20% or greater; or 2) The tract’s median family income is less than or equal to 80% of the State-wide median family income; or 3) The tract is in a metropolitan area and has a median family income less than or equal to 80% of the metropolitan area's median family income.  The original food desert measure defines low access as living one mile from a supermarket in urban areas and 10 miles in rural areas.  For more information about how the USDA defines food deserts read this

To illustrate that the current definition of low access may be too general, allow me to use Gainesville, FL as an example.  Below are two maps of Gainesville.  The map on the left is from USDA and the map on the right is a map from a Google search (the scaling for the two maps is not exact).  The green tracts in the USDA map represent the original food desert measure and the brown tracts represent a more stringent measure of access—0.5 miles from a supermarket in an urban area. 

From the Google map you can see that there are many Publix grocery stores in or near these green and brown tracts.  Moreover, there are many other supermarkets in the map area that are not shown.  Also in this map area are 3 Winn-Dixie grocery stores, 3 Wal-Marts, Target, Lucky’s Market, Earth-Fare, Trader Joes, Fresh Market, Ward’s Supermarket, Earth Origins, several ethnic specialty stores, and a weekly farmer’s market.  Something not captured by the Atlas, is the availability of public transportation.  For example, there is a bus system in Gainesville that increases the access to supermarkets.



The high number of supermarkets in this map area makes me wonder how access could be reasonably increased in Gainesville.  Consumers obviously need supermarkets, but consumers also need housing, green spaces, medical services, shops, etc.  The point of this is not to trivialize the effects of access to food.  Rather, the point is that the current measure of food deserts appear to be too liberal.  If we are interested in the effects of access and income on diets, we need more realistic measures of low access and income. 

Tuesday, March 15, 2016

Potpourri

David Widmar at Agricultural Economic Insights has some interesting maps showing the run-up in ag land values from 2004-2014. Check it out!

The folks at the Pro Market Blog (a new blog associated with the Stigler Center at U Chicago) use survey data to show Americans' concerns about the influence campaign donors have on candidates. Trump and Sanders are seen as the most removed from these concerns.

Here's a short podcast interview with Bill Easterly (NYU) who works in international development. Easterly is famous for his skepticism of the benefits of foreign aid.

Don Boudreaux, in his characteristic style, criticizes Krugman for his support of trade protectionism. (here and here)

James Pethokoukis blogs about Deirdre McCloskey's work on economic history and what made the west prosperous.